Media Contributions

Quoted in Nikkei regarding implications for Seoul of Japan changing prime ministers (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, an associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, said Kono has been hawkish on the wartime laborers issue. "Kono is known for his father's forward-looking statement on history but also for taking a tough stance on Korean court rulings in favor of wartime labor plaintiffs," the American scholar said. "Kishida is seen as more dovish on foreign policy, but the 2015 agreement for comfort women survivors is not viewed positively in South Korea."

Quoted in the Korea Herald regarding prospects for Korea-Japan relations after Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga steps down (link):

"Generational change in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party could produce forward-leaning policies, including better valuing Seoul as a partner. But while the LDP maintains power, Tokyo's stance on history issues is unlikely to change until Korea domestically resolves conflicting court rulings," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University. "[Given the prospect of returning to 'revolving door' premierships,] the challenge for Japan's next prime minister isn't about being conciliatory, it's about not appearing weak."

Quoted in Deutsche Welle regarding sources of tension between Japan and South Korea (link):

"The Biden administration has struggled to get Seoul and Tokyo to prioritize shared geopolitical concerns," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul. "The Olympics should have been a reconciliatory action-forcing event for the feuding US allies. Instead, South Korea-Japan relations have worsened because of a sequencing problem. The Moon administration wanted a summit to disentangle historical issues from contemporary trade and security cooperation. But the Suga government expected South Korea to first address its domestic court cases over wartime compensation so the legal foundation of bilateral exchanges could be restored." South Korean court cases over compensation for historical wrongs are a "line in the sand" for Suga, who has attempted to put the burden of a solution entirely onto Seoul, the professor explained. "This mismatch produced a series of diplomatic insults and failure to arrange a Moon-Suga summit during the Tokyo Olympics. Moon seeks a compromise with Japan but hasn't made much progress on the domestic politics of the issue, so Tokyo may wait until after elections in Japan and South Korea to deal with Moon's successor," he said. But the outlook is not entirely bleak, he added, as the two governments are still clearly talking about issues of shared concern. "South Korea-Japan ties are severely strained but not irreparably damaged. Much cooperation continues, including frequent trilateral meetings with the United States to coordinate foreign policies."

Quoted in the New York Times regarding South Korea and Japan's historical disputes complicating trilateral cooperation with the United States (link):

"Seoul and Tokyo have put pride and domestic politics above the Biden administration's appeals for strategic alignment," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul.

Quoted in Nikkei regarding Korea-Japan relations after conflicting court rulings over wartime history (link):

"It falls to the Moon administration to triangulate among South Korea's civil society, judiciary and foreign policy interests. It is unclear whether Moon will take on this responsibility in his final year in office, especially as the Suga government has shown little willingness for finessing a political compromise," said Leif-Eric Easley, associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul.

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding U.S. efforts to help South Korea and Japan improve relations (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University, said, "The Biden administration will continue publicly hosting three-way meetings while privately encouraging the allies to compromise and reconcile in the interest of strategically valuable trilateral cooperation." He added that "some strategists in Seoul believed that avoiding trilateralism with Washington and Tokyo would make Pyongyang and Beijing more cooperative, but this has been shown to be false. Greater trilateral coordination would strengthen South Korea's diplomatic position and contribute to regional security." [Regarding Japan's decision to gradually release treated water from Fukushima into the sea] Easley said, "As with vaccine safety, the disposing of nuclear waste water is a technical issue. Rather than be driven by emotional and politically-motivated arguments, policymakers should listen to relevant scientists, transparently share information with the public, and cooperate according to international standards."

Quoted in the Singapore Straits Times regarding President Moon's March 1st speech and improving relations with Japan (link):

Ewha Womans University's associate professor of international studies Leif- Eric Easley noted that the annual speech "calls on Japan to squarely face history with a victims-centred approach, but also expresses a desire for future-oriented policies". What stood out this year, he said, was Mr Moon stressing the need for international cooperation against Covid-19 and giving a nod to US-South Korea-Japan trilateral coordination that the Biden administration "considers essential" for dealing with North Korea and China. However, Prof Easley warned that Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga's administration is "unlikely to be moved" by Mr Moon's overture or his suggestion that the Tokyo Olympics serve as a platform for dialogue resumption with North Korea. "Most Japanese see the current rift in relations as the product of South Korean court rulings and broken agreements that Moon must first address domestically," said Prof Easley. "But Suga, anticipating US pressure to repair ties with Seoul, could at least have Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi meet with (newly dispatched South Korean Ambassador to Japan) Kang Chang-il in Tokyo." The next step, he added, would be for South Korea to provide "credible assurances" that its courts will not liquidate Japanese assets in the forced labour row.

Quoted in the Singapore Straits Times regarding opportunities for improving Korea-Japan relations (link):

Ewha Womans University's associate professor of international studies Leif- Eric Easley said: "If ties with Tokyo remain strained, Seoul may lose valuable input on Washington's policies towards North Korea and China." He suggested that President Moon could express an intention to improve relations with Tokyo in an upcoming speech on March 1, which marks a major independence movement against Japanese colonial rule. Seoul can then reinstate the Reconciliation and Healing Foundation which was dismantled in 2018, two years after it was established, to support victims of sexual slavery in accordance with the 2015 agreement. Another fund can be set up to support forced labour victims and settle claims arising from court cases in South Korea. "Once Tokyo sees that state immunity will be respected and Japanese assets will not be liquidated, bilateral talks for harmonising export control regulations should proceed apace, allowing for the removal of the summer 2019 trade restrictions," Prof Easley said.

Quoted in the New York Times regarding the Seoul Central District Court ruling that Japan should pay reparations to 'comfort women' survivors of wartime brothels (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, said that Tokyo would deem the ruling "an escalation in a pattern of weaponizing history and breaking international agreements." He added, "The economic fallout will be difficult to gauge during the pandemic, but the diplomatic implication is to complicate the incoming Biden administration's plans for trilateral cooperation to deal with North Korea and China."

Quoted in the Singapore Straits Times regarding Tokyo and Seoul not allowing history to get in the way of coordinating on North Korea (link):

Ewha Womans University's associate professor of international studies Leif- Eric Easley said that the US and its allies will "need to coordinate responses" to North Korea "so South Korea and Japan should handle difficult history issues more responsibly to prevent disruptions to cooperation."

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding strained relations between South Korea and Japan (link):

Experts underlined that working toward a resolution of the forced labor compensation issue ― the biggest impediment in bilateral relations at the moment ― requires efforts from both sides. "Suga should recognize that reconciliation is an ongoing process requiring emotional commitment, it is not something final and irreversible that can be won with legalese," Leif- Eric Easley, associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, said. "Moon should recognize that South Korea is losing international credibility for moving the goalposts and breaking agreements. It is his government's responsibility to close the gap between domestic court rulings and the 1965 treaty."

Quoted in the Japan Times regarding the domestic politics of Korea-Japan relations (link):

According to Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University in Seoul, much of the South Korean public blames Abe for strained relations, while there remains broad support in Japan for a firm policy toward South Korea's challenges over history issues and agreements. These include the 1965 treaty that normalized ties between the two countries and was intended, according to Japan, to put a final stamp on all legal compensation issues related to Japan's colonial rule before and during World War II. "So bilateral relations won't improve just because there's a new prime minister," Easley said. "However, there will be an opportunity for the Moon administration to improve relations with Suga at little political cost because doing so will not be seen as a concession to Abe."

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding Seoul's ability to improve diplomatic and security relations with Tokyo (link):

"Deputy National Security Adviser Kim Hyun-chong attempted to cancel a bilateral intelligence sharing pact with Japan," Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University, told The Korea Times. "That needlessly damaged Seoul's credibility, not only in Tokyo, but also in Washington, Pyongyang and Beijing. Rather than hold GSOMIA at risk, the Moon Jae-in administration should expand security cooperation with an essential neighbor and fellow U.S. ally...Suga is likely to respond favorably to South Korean efforts at repairing economic and security ties, if Seoul moves first on closing the gap between domestic court rulings and existing international agreements," Easley added.

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding Seoul's ability to improve diplomatic and security relations with Tokyo (link):

"Deputy National Security Adviser Kim Hyun-chong attempted to cancel a bilateral intelligence sharing pact with Japan," Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University, told The Korea Times. "That needlessly damaged Seoul's credibility, not only in Tokyo, but also in Washington, Pyongyang and Beijing. Rather than hold GSOMIA at risk, the Moon Jae-in administration should expand security cooperation with an essential neighbor and fellow U.S. ally...Suga is likely to respond favorably to South Korean efforts at repairing economic and security ties, if Seoul moves first on closing the gap between domestic court rulings and existing international agreements," Easley added.

Quoted in the Korea Herald regarding the management of history issues in Korea-Japan relations (link):

"Suga is not Abe, but Japan's bottom-line on history issues is more entrenched than whoever leads the LDP," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha University in Seoul. Easley, however, stressed that it's up to Seoul to come up with ways to improve relations, as Suga will be "Mr. Continuity" until he leads the LDP into a legislative election. "He may then promise policy adjustments, and after securing a public mandate, pursue new initiatives," he said, adding that those will likely focus on the pandemic response and an economic recovery. "A push on foreign policy will probably wait until after the US election. So Seoul has time to prepare for improving relations, possibly when Suga visits South Korea for a trilateral summit with China." He added Seoul can get Tokyo to remove the trade curbs if the Moon administration takes responsibility for addressing the Supreme Court rulings within the 1965 framework. "However, if South Korea liquidates Japanese corporate assets or fails to hold Yoon Mee-hyang accountable for financial scandals related to the obstruction of reconciliation between 'comfort women' survivors and Japan, bilateral relations would deteriorate further."

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding South Korea's General Security of Military Information Agreement with Japan (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, an associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University, said terminating the GSOMIA would not work in Korea's favor. "Threatening to cancel GSOMIA provides no negotiating leverage with Japan, but instead damages Seoul's credibility because it reflects a fundamental misreading of the strategic environment. The move would unnecessarily reduce South Korea's capabilities, seriously damage its standing in Washington, and embolden Pyongyang, Beijing and Moscow to employ greater coercion against Seoul," he said. "So pulling out of the intelligence sharing pact would accomplish nothing other than emotional gratification in domestic politics, but even that would be short-lived because the dream of decoupling from Japan is unrealistic."

Quoted in the Asia Times regarding political and economic strains on Korea-Japan ties (link):

"Drawing out the legal process on seized corporate assets provides more time for a political compromise, but South Korean governments facing declining domestic support tend to fall back on patriotism against Japanese colonial atrocities," said Leif-Eric Easley, an associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University. "Moreover, Tokyo's incomplete atonement precludes recognition of contemporary policy mistakes in Seoul." He warned multiple bilateral issues – Korea's referral of Japan to the WTO, and the Democratic Party's appointment of a controversial activist who has shot down Tokyo's attempts to resolve the "comfort women" issue as a sitting lawmaker; Japan's opposition to Korea joining the upcoming G7 meeting, and its refusal to support a Korean candidate for WTO leadership – present a combustible situation. This may particularly be the case on August 15 this year – the 75th anniversary of Imperial Japan's Pacific War defeat and Korea's liberation. "I'm not reassured," the academic said. "I remain very concerned about Korea- Japan relations."

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding the precarious status of Korea-Japan relations (link):

"The possible liquidation of Japanese corporate assets over the wartime labor issue is a ticking time bomb under Korea-Japan relations," said Leif- Eric Easley, an associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University. "Despite political difficulties, Seoul should defuse the situation before it sets off a chain reaction. Otherwise, Tokyo will almost certainly retaliate in ways that damage economies already struggling because of COVID-19." Easley advised the government to find a creative domestic compensation mechanism that respects court rulings and Korea's 1965 treaty with Japan. "Then Tokyo will come under international pressure to restore Seoul's trusted trade partner status," he said. "The Trump administration should encourage reconciliation so the U.S. allies can return to cooperation on immediate challenges posed by North Korea and long- term challenges posed by China," Easley added.

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding domestic politics impeding South Korea-Japan cooperation (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, an associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University, said Korea's reaction to Japan looks politically motivated and based on a misperception that Japan's actions were all about Korea. "Over 100 countries have imposed such travel restrictions and China's are perhaps the most offensive after Korea showed great restraint compared to other nations in limiting Chinese visitors. By responding so quickly and vocally to Japan's measures, the Moon administration appears to be performing for a domestic audience ahead of legislative elections in April," Easley said, adding that Japan's actions were focused on domestic approval, Chinese leader Xi Jinping's state visit, and the summer Olympics, not some anti-Korea bias. "Most leaders agree COVID-19 response measures should be based on science. But they don't agree on the science, and the social and diplomatic implications are massive, so politics becomes a major factor. Recognizing this, it is essential that government policies prioritize public health and international cooperation."

Quoted by VOA regarding the politicization of travel restrictions between South Korea and Japan (link):

"It is regrettable that a public health threat that knows no borders is complicated by nationalist politics," said Leif-Eric Easley, an associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul. Ultimately, he said, "the need and opportunities for cooperation regarding COVID-19 should outweigh the points of friction."

Quoted in the Japan Times regarding a spat between Seoul and Tokyo over COVID-19 related travel restrictions (link):

"It is unfortunate that so many countries have applied travel restrictions on South Koreans, but these measures should be temporary as Seoul is demonstrating transparency and competency in its public health response to the coronavirus," Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University in Seoul, said. "The COVID-19 outbreak inevitably mixes with politics because Asia has long been plagued by nationalist historical disputes. The Moon administration's reaction to the Abe government's struggle to save the summer Olympics looks especially motivated by politics. South Korea's April elections are approaching, and playing the 'Japan card' is an old tactic to deflect domestic criticism."

Quoted in the South China Morning Post regarding historical and legal cases complicating Korea-Japan relations (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University, says Seoul is walking a tightrope. "The liquidation of Japanese corporate assets would be a very negative development for Korea-Japan relations," he said. "Tokyo would almost certainly retaliate in ways more damaging to the South Korean economy than last year's bureaucratic trade measures. South Korean leaders are aware of this, which is probably why the liquidation has not yet occurred, and why a hard deadline for liquidation has not been announced," Easley said. "But given the pressure generated by the judicial rulings and more cases pending, Seoul needs to show progress on the issue. The Moon administration faces a balancing act in upholding the 1965 framework for diplomatic relations with Japan while respecting the separation of powers and the role of civil society in Korean democracy," Easley said. "The government may look to combine the efforts of the National Assembly to draft legislation for a compensation fund and the call by wartime labour representatives to form a Korea-Japan consultative body to recommend a victims-centred resolution."

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding prospects for Korea-Japan relations after the Moon-Abe Chengdu summit (link):

"In November, South Korea's Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy credited a lack of disruption from Japan's export restrictions to the success of large Korean tech firms in diversifying imports and cultivating domestic suppliers. But the main reason Japan's trade measures have not yet damaged South Korea's economy is because Tokyo wasn't attempting to punish, but to send a signal. The warning was that if Seoul liquidated assets of Japanese companies to compensate wartime forced labor plaintiffs, trade would then suffer," said Leif-Eric Easley, associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul. "The Abe government will not fully resolve trade restrictions on Seoul until the liability of wartime labor court cases is addressed. The domestic politics of doing so are difficult for South Korea. The Moon administration is cautious of being seen as capitulating to Tokyo's positions on international law and bilateral agreements, as politically intervening in the judicial branch, or as abandoning civil society groups that demand greater atonement from Japan. It would take political courage for Moon to make a deal before legislative elections in April."

Quoted in the Korea Herald regarding the Moon-Abe summit and repairing Korea-Japan ties (link):

"To fully restore cooperative relations, it is necessary to consider the domestic politics of both sides as well as the regional security environment," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University. "The Moon-Abe summit can provide further momentum to trade security talks and the South Korean National Assembly's draft legislation for compensating wartime labor survivors."

Quoted in Nikkei regarding the Moon-Abe meeting on the sidelines of a trilateral summit in Chengdu, China (link):

Analysts say that the two countries need to seize the opportunity to improve relations. "The key is to keep relations moving forward to avoid moving backward, and doing it right rather than doing it fast," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha Womans University in Seoul.

Quoted in the South China Morning Post regarding challenges for Korea- Japan relations (link):

"We haven't seen the last of Korea-Japan diplomatic recriminations and tough negotiations," said Leif-Eric Easley, an associate professor of international relations at Ewha Womans University in Seoul. "A compensation fund needs to be set up in South Korea to pay wartime labour plaintiffs. At the same time, trade security officials from the two countries should determine a process for lifting Tokyo's export restrictions," he said. "If discussions fail and Korean authorities liquidate Japanese corporate assets as wartime compensation, Japan's export controls will really start to hurt the Korean economy." If the South's economy does take a noticeable nose-dive, Koreans are likely to very quickly lay the blame at Japan's door and rapprochement will be even more distant, he warned.

Quoted in the Singapore Straits Times regarding the Korea-Japan intelligence-sharing agreement (link):

Allowing the pact to lapse could "present unnecessary opportunity costs to future security cooperation", according to International Studies Professor Leif-Eric Easley of Ewha Womans University. "The optics would be bad for South Korea and for US alliances, suggesting an erosion in the multilateral coordination that is important for deterrence and defending a rules-based order in Asia." It is not too late for the administration of President Moon Jae-in to renew GSOMIA, Prof. Easley added. "The face-saving way to do this is to cite US pressure and explain that Seoul needs to focus efforts on defence cost-sharing negotiations with Washington rather than the politics of intelligence-sharing with Tokyo," he said. "The Moon administration can claim that its signals about the need to resolve Japan's export controls have been received, but a November deadline is too early and artificial for the process of rebuilding trust."

Quoted in the Financial Times regarding the costs of strained relations between Seoul and Tokyo (link):

"South Korea has the most to lose. Its security is strongly tied to cooperation with the US and Japan," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul. "Its economy is highly vulnerable to these trade disputes. And its ability to effectively engage Pyongyang and Beijing is based not only on its own capabilities, but also on its network power with Washington, Tokyo and a rules-based international order."

Quoted by Nikkei regarding South Korea's military exercise around the Dokdo/Takeshima islets (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, an associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University, said that "conducting an expanded exercise immediately after canceling GSOMIA will raise concerns that the Moon government undervalues the relationship with Japan and overplays bilateral issues in domestic politics." [Meanwhile,] "North Korea's missiles are becoming harder to locate, track and defend against. That means South Korea needs more projectile data, faster, for the sake of its national security. Now is not the time to cancel an intelligence-sharing agreement that helps provide that data."

Quoted in the Korea Times regarding the implications of Seoul-Tokyo tensions for dealing with North Korea (link):

"With its continued weapons tests, North Korea is raising the price of its cooperation. It will demand benefits not only in denuclearization talks with the United States, but also to reduce its missile threats to South Korea and Japan," Leif-Eric Easley, associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, said. While Pyongyang has been deriding President Moon's peace initiatives in its propaganda, peace through flattery doesn't work with North Korea. Therefore, Seoul, Tokyo and Washington are asked to leverage their combined strength. A key indicator of progress will be whether Pyongyang engages in negotiations about specific denuclearization steps or rather focuses on arranging another Trump-Kim summit with hopes of winning unearned concessions. Pyongyang's strategy is to increase its military capabilities and then bargain away what it no longer needs in terms of equipment, sites and testing schedules. North Korea seeks military advantage by disrupting U.S.-South Korea alliance cooperation, and financial gain by pressuring Seoul to break international sanctions," Easley said. He added international observers often discuss North Korea's need to reform and open. "But Kim Jong-un is proud of his governing system as he sees Beijing struggle with Hong Kong's protests and watches democratic South Korea and Japan battle over history. The Seoul-Tokyo feud will likely embolden Kim to push harder against U.S. alliances when he updates Pyongyang's policies at the Supreme People's Assembly this week."

Quoted in the Asia Times regarding military activity in the vicinity of Dokdo/Takeshima (link):

[South Korea's exercises serve as a signaling device. Internationally, the drills are intended to show effective control of the islets.] "The historically loaded message to the domestic audience is that Seoul will never again yield even a small piece of territory to Tokyo," said Leif-Eric Easley, associate professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University. [Meanwhile,] "combined China-Russia air patrols may look to stir up trouble between South Korea and Japan," Easley said. "More than that, they may seek to drive a wedge between Washington and its allies" [by turning the U.S. mantra to 'fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows' into] a "complication for Japanese and Korean national security."

Quoted in the Independent regarding the security implications of Seoul cancelling its GSOMIA with Japan (link):

Dr Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University in Seoul, said the collapse of intelligence sharing through GSOMIA could result in "delayed preparation, analysis and responses vis-a-vis North Korean weapons tests". "More generally, the decision erodes trust among governments that is important for coordination of security policies," he said, and "damages credibility" of the US-Japan-South Korea partnership as a deterrent to North Korean military action.

Quoted in VOA regarding rising tensions between South Korea and Japan (link):

Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, says the Moon government may see the GSOMIA decision as a "symbolic, low-cost way of signaling resolve" to Tokyo. He warned, however, the move could backfire. "Tokyo may become more likely to escalate economic pressure. South Korea may be seen by Pyongyang, Beijing and Moscow to be weakening its alliance cooperation with the United States, leaving Seoul more exposed to regional geopolitics," said Easley.

Quoted in the Japan Times regarding regional security implications of strained Korea-Japan relations (link):

"Pyongyang's recent tests and threats regarding U.S.-South Korea defensive exercises show that bringing together Trump and Kim at the DMZ is not sufficient for dealing with North Korea — it will take a regional approach to show Pyongyang the carrots and sticks necessary for denuclearization," said Leif-Eric Easley, a professor at Ewha University in Seoul. "That means not only keeping GSOMIA, but increasing policy coordination among Japan, South Korea and the United States," he said. "It is a matter of strategic urgency that trilateral security cooperation not be hampered by Seoul's handling of history issues or Tokyo's apparent economic retaliation against South Korean court rulings on wartime labor."